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THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1916 All rights reserved THE NEV/ YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY ASTOR, LENOX AND TILDEN FOUNDAHONS R 1916 L Copyright, 1916, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. It will be the task of social anthropology, by an impressive accumulation of evidence, to make this truth a commonplace of popular knowledge. Swezey, Professor of Astronomy in the Uni- versity of Nebraska, was good enough to help me in some troublesome details relating to the calendar. Hence we have at least one motive for the very common custom of destroying the house and personal property of the deceased. Westermarck, The Origin and Naturvolker," Zeitschriftfilr Social- Development of the Moral Ideas, mjj-i(i., X, 104 j-g. Swaheli school-children enjoy a holiday on the last two days of the year and New Year's Day.^ The great national fete of the fandroana, marking the commencement of the Malagasy year, occurs at the new moon of the month Alahamady, and the first days of this month are regarded as very unlucky for commoners, who therefore abstain from all activity.^ We may conjecture that this festival, though traditionally established only about three centuries ago, in its present form incorporates observances connected with the new year as a critical season. During their celebration the innermost sauctnary of Vesta, shut all the rest of the year, was opened to the matrons of Rome, who crowded to it barefooted, while the Vestals themselves offered the sacred cakes made ^ Plutarch, Alcibiades y 34; Xen- son, Prolegomena to the Study of ophon, Hellenic a, i, 4, 12; Pollux, Greek Religion^ Cambridge, 1903, Onomasticon, viii, 141. Torday, in Mitteilungen der each divided into seven weeks of anthropologischen Gesellschaft in four days, the last day of each week Wien, 191 1, xli, 192. For instance, the Manyama market is known as nsona a Manyama, because it is held on nsona day. The men, who re- pose habitually, work still less on that day. The missionaries have been unable to procure from the negroes any expla- nation of this period of four days, which forms their week." 2 The market is a well-developed institution among the semi-civilized negroes about the Gulf of Guinea. 266, 360; compare Preuss, in Deutsches Kolonialblatt, 1898, ix, 456. eke, a market day and unlucky for the ata, or chief, to see strangers, ede, a lucky or good day, afo, an unlucky day, and uko, a lucky day. Its presence in the hinterland of Togo is clearly due to the influence of Islam ; in fact, the mar- ket day here recurs on Friday, the Mohammedan Sabbath.^ Some of the Ewe peoples nearer the Slave Coast also use a seven-day cycle, which appears to have been borrowed by them from their neighbours, the Tshi tribes of the Gold Coast. Desplagnes, Le plateau central nigerien, Paris, 1907, p. A market every ninth day is described as being held at Bocqua in Northern Nigeria (R. Lander, Journal of an Expedition to explore the Course' and Termination of the Niger y London, 1832, iii, 73, 82). Gallieni, Voyage au Soudan frangais, Haut- Nigery et pays de Sego Uy Paris, 1885, p. Gallic, Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo, London, 1830, i, 323, 346 (Man- dingo) ; A. The Bali market is said to be held every seventh day, i.e.y on Fri- day. Cicero attributes the in- stitution of markets to Numa (De republic a^ ii, 14, 27). seems to dispose of the theory ^ that they were an importation from Egypt. Here, again, we are at a loss to determine how far this pentad, called fimt, was regularly used as a civil week in heathen times. Sayce, in Proceedings of the Society 2 The data relating to the of Biblical Archceology, 1897, xix, khamushtu are found in some 288 ; idem, in Babyloniaca, 1907, Cappadocian tablets discovered by ii, 1-45 ; Winckler, Altorientalische Golenischef F and others in mounds Forschungeny Leipzig, 1 898-1900, not far from Kaisariyeh. was a colony of Assyria and the ^ For references to the cuneiform last outpost of Assyrian power in evidence see P. The tablets are in siebentagige Woche in Babylon Babylonian cuneiform script belong- und Nineveh," Zeitschrift fiir ing to the age of Hammurabi. 196 REST DAYS hebdomadal cycle into northern lands, the term sur- vived as a standing phrase in Norse laws and popular sayings.^ The preceding pages have presented much evidence to show how carefully primitive peoples watch the changes of the moon and describe them by appropriate names. mere, Germanic Origins^ New York, LUNAR CALENDARS AND THE WEEK 197 among the abongines of America as the result of their contact with European civilization is well known. Vambery, Die pri- mitive Cultur des turko-tatarischen Volkes, Leipzig, 1879, p. In northern Asia, again, the Russian advance has begun to lead to the use of the seven-day week by native tribes, such as the Yukaghir of northeastern Siberia (W. The book, then, difl Fers from its predecessor chiefly in providing a more extensive collection of the relevant data. — Reasons for imposing taboos which necessitate abstinence and qui- escence, pp. II — 13 ; at the time of the celebration of the New Year's festival, p. — Other instances of com- munal rest days in Polynesia, pp. — General significance of the Polynesian evidence, p. For a useful collec- Religion and^ Ethics, iv, 411-444; tion of ethnographic evidence see W. ^ Primitive peoples seldom recognize a death as due to what we should call natural causes. Ceremonies of ghost-riddance and demon-riddance, accompanied by communal abstinence, have already been noted in Polynesia, Indonesia, and southeastern Asia.^ They are not unknown in Africa. Casalis, Les Bassoutos, Paris, denying ordinance by drinking beer 1859, p. It is then that the Bahima seek to appease certain ghastly, shrivelled demons who, though they expend most of their fury on one another, frequent the kraals and occasionally take a native by the arm and shake him mercilessly. Their placation is said to consist chiefly of drum-beating and beer-drink- ing. The whole Essays aud Lectures chiefly on the subject of these Dravidian festivals Religions of the Hindus , London, has now been carefully investigated 1862, ii, 209 sq. With the Plynteria may be profitably compared the better-known Roman festival of the Vestalia. Harri- 94 REST DAYS of the first ears of corn plucked a month previous; i' On the ninth day (June 15) the temple was swept ape the refuse thrown into the Tiber. MARKET DAYS 109 The market week (lumingu^), four days in length, appears to be generally diffused among the peoples on both banks of the lower Congo. Tuckey, Narrative of an Expedition an der Loango-Kilste, Expedition to explore the River Jena, 1874, i, 209. At this time it is regarded as wrong for husbands to have intercourse with their wives. Natives are forbidden to climb a cocoanut tree on eke.^ Among the Asaba people, a branch of the powerful Ibo tribe, there seems not to be any communal regulation respecting the observance of eke : ''the days for rest, for public market, and for work vary with the individual according to the particular governing juju [fetish] as determined by the medicine man." ^ Among the Edo, or Bini, of Southern Nigeria the week is everywhere a recognized period of time. ^ Idem, The Ewe-speaking Peo- ples, London, 1890, pp. ^Ako-ojo, "First Day"; ojo- awo, "Day of the Secret," sacred to Ifa ; ojo-ogun, " Day of Ogun," the god of iron; ojo-shango, "Day of Shango," the god of thunder; ojo-obatala, "Obatala's Day." A holy day is called ose {se, to dis- allow), and because each holy day recurs weekly, ose has also come to mean the week of five days (Ellis, Yoruba-speaking Peoples, pp. According to an 114 REST DAYS lucky, and no business of importance is ever under- taken on it. It is to be noted that Ogun*s Day, the first, fifth, ninth, and so on, is the regular market day. Lieutenant-Colonel Ellis, indeed, regarded it as a purely African insti- tution,^ but he himself pointed out that Mohammedan states were formed to the north of the forest country ^ R. Freeman, Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jdmany West- minster, 1898, p. This unfortunate piece of legis- lation effectually debarred the rural voters from partic- ipation in law-making on the very occasions when the largest number of them would naturally be in the capi- tal city.^ The classical writers were uncertain whether ably, however, the Roman market week consisted originally of four days only, and later was doubled to form the cycle employed in historic times. ^ The Greek arrange- ment by decades must have been very old. Curtius, History of Greec Cy New York, 1871, ii, 58; C. Ruelle, "Calendarium," Darem- berg and Saglio*s Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines, ii, 832. The same remark applies to the so-called weeks of nine days among the ancient Germans,^ and to the frequent mention in old Irish and Welsh texts of periods of three days and nights and of nine days and nights.^ Market weeks, eight days in length, which seem to have developed from earlier periods of four days, are found in Assam, in certain parts of Africa, perhaps at one time among the Indians of Colombia, and in an- tiquity among the Romans.^ Such market weeks are independent of the moon and run unfettered through the months and years. Simrock, Handhuch der deutschen Mythologiey^ Bonn, 1887, p. Siecke, Die Liebesge- schichte des Himmels, Strassburg, 1892, pp. Weinhold, **Die mystische Neunzahl bei den Deutschen/' Abhandlungen der k oniglich-preussischen Akademie der Wissenschafteny Berlin, 1897, pp. He accepts Roscher's theory of the sidereal month having fur- nished the basis for such nine-day periods as are found among the Celts, and argues that subse- quently, when the sidereal month had been abandoned for the synodic month, the nine-day periods became artificial units, independent of any connection with the moon.

In the three regions which have been selected for close examination — the Hawaiian Islands, Borneo, and Assam — it thus appears that there are certain occasions when the normal current of life is interrupted, and when what may well be called a crisis presents itself.-^ In general any time of special significance, in- augurating a new era or marking the transition from one state to another, any period of storm and stress, any epoch when untoward events have occurred or are expected to occur, may be invested with taboos designed to meet the emergency in the communal life and to ward off the threatened danger or disaster. CHAPTER II TABOOED DAYS AFTER A DEATH AND ON RELATED OCCASIONS Among the lower races perhaps the most common occasion for the suspension of ordinary occupations is after a death. Marindin, in Smith, ism attaching to the number nine Wayte, and Marindin's Dictionary among the Romans, as among other of Greek and Roman Antiquities,^ Indo-European peoples ; compare ii, 251 sq.; M.

It is desirable to keep in mind these positive benefits inherent in the taboo sys- tem, since perhaps excessive attention has been directed to its hampering influence on society. Thomas, Source The Threshold of Religiofiy^ London, Book for Social Origins, Chicago, 191 4? But the conceptions which generated the tabooed day in Polynesia, Indonesia, and southeastern Asia are not local and confined; on the contrary they underly a wide range of social phenomena.

— World-wide diffusion of the custom of observing tabooed days after a death and on related occasions, p. CHAPTER III Holy Days Characteristics of religious festivals, p. — Festival times often marked by cessation of labour, pp. — Origin of the conception of a ** holy ** day, pp. — Consecration of holy days to particular divinities, pp. — Connection between tabooed days and holy days, p. — The taboo element in the festivals observed by Dravidian peoples of CONTENTS xi India, pp. Like the Bornean tribes they have a number of agricultural ceremonies, reli- gious in character, and designed to secure an abundant harvest. was republished under the title 56 REST DAYS of Assam the ethnical transition is unbroken to the Chin, who occupy the Chindwin valley and the hills to the west. The genua, again, has been noticed among the Muhso, or Lalu, a large tribe which has emigrated from China to the Shan States.

At the same time the sacred rest day does not stand without relation to the other observances of the Igorot. Journal of the Anthropological In- Captain Lewin^s interesting work stitute, 1873, ii, 240. Mc Mahon, The Karens of ^ Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Golden Chersonese, London, the Shan States, edited by Scott 1876, p. TABOOED DAYS AT CRITICAL EPOCHS 57 sowing or planting days means blight for the crop.-^ These superstitions no doubt represent decadent forms of a once-extensive genua system among the Karen.

A hen hatching out a brood of chickens brings on a genua of one day." ^ Such observances may be said to mark the acme of the Naga taboo system, or, from another point of view, to reduce it to an ab- surdity. The taboos imposed by him would be khullakpa, also called gennabura, or obliged to pay a fine, the proceeds **authorizer of genna,' is himself being used to provide a sub- subject to a number of vexatious stantial repast for the village restrictions designed to prevent any elders (Hodson, in Journal of the impairment of the efficiency of his Anthropological Institute y I90i,xxxi, sacred office. It is held annually at the beginning of cultivation. It is sig- nificant that the Moirang, a more or less backward and isolated Meithei tribe, still keep up some- thing like a system of communal genua connected with agricultural operations {ibid.y p. It is not improbable, then, that the advan- tages of this seemingly senseless cult outweigh its drawbacks, which, in the shape of endless delays and changes of plans, are by no means small" ).

Scheerer, either to the occurrence of a village "The Nabaloi Dialect," Ethnologi- festival or some such unusual cal Survey Publications, Manila, occurrence . Crooke, Natives in vogue among the savages inhab- 0/ Northern India, London, 1907, iting the Pacific islands.*' p. *'When a cow calves, the genua lasts for five days ; when a sow litters, three days' genua is necessary ; while when a bitch has pups, or a cat has kittens, two days are ample. It is believed that should a farm be visited at such a time the crop would be cursed and blighted.^ Another Tibeto-Burman people, the Mikir, who dwell in the Mikir Hills to the northwest of Mani- pur, have individual taboos of various kinds and, in addition, a compulsory village festival called rongker. Hose and Mc Dou- gall judiciously observe, the cult of omen-birds found among the Kayan of Borneo, though it ham- pers their undertakings at almost every turn and might seem to be wholly foolish and detrimental, has really "two great practical advan- tages : namely, it inspires confi- dence, and it promotes discipline and a strong sense of collective unity and responsibility.

— Indo-China probably the centre of diffusion of the genn Uy p. — Resemblance of communal rest days to the practice of the couvade^ pp. — Psychological and sociological aspects of these communal regulations, pp. — Days of abstinence and quiescence mark crises in the community life, pp. CHAPTER II Tabooed Days after a Death and on Related Occasions Prohibition of work and other forms of activity a common regulation following a death, p. The 312; idem, **Genn Zy" Encyclopcsdia Ibaloi Igorot equivalent of taboo is Britannic a,'^^ xi, 596 ; idem. A man, while in the pecul- Naga Tribes of Manipur, London, iarly solemn condition of pidiu, 191 1, pp. "must not bathe, must not admit ^ " The word g-fnwa is used in two visitors into his house, and must ways: (i) it may mean practically not work, travel, etc.," under pen- a holiday — i.e., a man will say, alty of punishment by the making, *My village is doing genna to-day,* or departed souls, for transgression by which he means that, owing of the regulations (O. a genna also at the annual cere- ^ John Butler, in Journal of the mony of making new fire for the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1875, village. This observer friction, is first used in burning describes the kennie as a system of down the jungle before the sowing taboo, "singularly similar to that of the crops (W. The Mayang Khong Naga, in partic- ular, have worked out an elaborate scale for genua following the birth of domestic animals. This is the prohibition for any one in a village to labour in the fields on the day when a child is born. I have known several murders committed, owing to persons persisting in breaking the khang.^^ ^ The same communal taboo is observed when a village is being built, and regularly in July, when the rice requires cultivation.^ These tribes formerly lived in the Arakan Hills of Lower Burma, where identical regulations, known as ya, are also enforced.^ The genua custom may be traced in various parts of Burma. Shakespear, The Lushei Wild Races of South-eastern India Kuki Clans, London, 191 2, p. Stu- dents of early society have long recognized the fact that the institution of taboo, in its individualistic ^ For instances of "magical telepathy'* in hunting, fishing, and warfare see Frazer, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i, 119-134- ^ As Messrs.

Here, as in Borneo, the regular communal taboos are for the most part connected ^ Some, if not all, of the Igorot Journal of the Anthropological In- peoples of northern Luzon are stitute, 1906, xxxvi, 92-103 ; idem, familiar with the idea of taboo as "Some Naga Customs and Super- applied to individuals or to families stitions,** Folk-lore, 1910, xxi, 296- at certain critical times. But these prohibi- serving a holiday ; (2) ^ 175 ^Q' The Naga west of in Revue coloniale internationa Uy the Doyang River are said to have 1887, v, 489). 167, Ethnology of Bengal, Calcutta, 1872, citing C. The duration of these genua varies not only from tribe to tribe but also from vil- lage to village. The Hinduised Meithei of Manipur, whose affinity to the wild hill tribes such as the Naga and Kuki is admitted, no longer possess the custom itself, though preserving the memory of it in their word namungha, or taboo.^ General seasons of restriction seem to be unknown among the Khasi, who inhabit the Khasi and Jaintia hills, except in a single instance.^ Their neighbours on the west, the Garo, a people of Tibeto-Burman stock, have the equivalent of genua in the word marang, conveying the ideas of "unlucky" and "unlawful." But the Garo custom itself is scarcely socialized : the taboos relate to individuals, and in only one case extend to the community at large. It generally lasts three days, and during that time no one is allowed to enter or leave the village. 72 sq.y 75, 78, 80, 87; ence to the khang will be found on C. The consciousness that all the omens have been duly taken and that all taboos have been properly observed is itself invigorating ; the community goes forward, henceforth, with renewed strength and confidence to the tasks which lie before it.^ Finally, it may be pointed out how directly these communal regulations make for social solidarity.

Altru- ism becomes a coercive process, and social cohesion is secured by each member of the group making him- self his brother's keeper. TABOOED DAYS AT CRITICAL EPOCHS 6i studied have, so to speak, institutionalized their fears, working out thereby a protective procedure highly complex and elaborate.

For, when the restrictions are violated by any one, there is always the feeling that misfortune will overtake the entire social group, and hence a duty devolves on each man to see that his neighbour obeys the law.

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